Since 1990, Mongolia has required independent candidates to collect 801 signatures to run in parliamentary elections. After organizing nine elections, the realization has only now dawned on that this threshold may have been set too high. Similarly, citizens wishing to form a political party must gather the same number of supporters. However, as a party is a collective organization, it can meet this requirement through joint efforts. For independent candidates with no party affiliation, gathering 801 signatures within a 21-day period has long been a formidable challenge. Yet, until recently, no formal complaints had been raised about this requirement.

In January, the Constitutional Court (Tsets) reviewed a complaint arguing that this provision in the parliamentary election law violated the Constitution. Consequently, the court issued a ruling to suspend the enforcement of the related provision. This week, parliament is deliberating on the court’s decision, with the Standing Committee on Affairs Division already expressing its support. The final decision is expected to be made during the plenary session. If parliament accepts the Constitutional Court’s conclusion, the signature threshold for independent candidates will be lowered starting from the 2028 elections.

Peak moments 

In Mongolia, citizens have the right to run for elections either through a political party or coalition, or as independent candidates. While independent candidates have maintained a modest yet consistent presence in politics, their journey has been anything but easy.

In the country’s first parliamentary election in 1992, 18 individuals ran as independents, with only G.Zuunai of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party securing a seat. However, his success did not spark a broader movement—no independent candidates made it into parliament in 1996. Nevertheless, participation gradually increased, and between 2000 and 2020, independent candidates managed to secure between one and three seats per election.

The 2024 parliamentary election—the first to expand the number of seats to 126—marked a setback, as no independent candidates were elected. In total, only 11 independents have ever been elected across six parliaments, and all but three were former members of the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP) or the Democratic Party (DP), already established political figures. Success as an independent has largely depended on prior public recognition. For instance, journalist Z.Altai (2008–2012) and singer S.Javkhlan (2016–2020) both leveraged their fame to win seats. The exception was L.Gundalai, who became the first independent to win a seat in 2000, though he was a well-known businessman in Khuvsgul Province.

Interestingly, most independents who enter Parliament eventually align themselves with political parties. Z.Altai and S.Javkhlan, the only two who completed their terms without joining a party, struggled to make a significant impact. Without party backing, independent lawmakers face considerable challenges in advancing legislative initiatives or influencing policy. Attempts to form a caucus—such as those by S.Ganbaatar, Ts.Davaasuren, and Kh.Bolorchuluun—failed to gain traction, given the limited influence of three voices in a parliament of 76.

The 2020 election saw the highest number of independent candidates in Mongolia’s history. Of 208 applicants, 121 met the legal requirements to run—a reflection of growing public disillusionment with political parties and a search for new perspectives. Yet, from this record number, only former Prime Minister N.Altankhuyag won a seat, and before long, he too aligned himself with a party.

Ultimately, Mongolia’s political landscape remains inhospitable to independents. Without the organizational support and policy influence that parties provide, independent MPs often find themselves sidelined, their contributions limited. As history has shown, even when they secure a seat, most eventually return to the party fold.

No consistent figure

In Mongolia’s political landscape, the status of an independent candidate has mostly been reserved for temporarily suspended party members or public figures. Among those who run independently, only a handful of well-known individuals have dared to speak out against illegal practices observed during elections and voiced their dissatisfaction with the results. The 2020 parliamentary election was the first time a significant number of independent candidates came together, organized themselves, and collectively expressed their stance. However, their “struggle” rarely went beyond this initial effort.

There has been little to no history of independent candidates advocating for legislative reforms that would create a more favorable environment for them—such as reducing certain requirements or improving legal frameworks under the Law on Parliamentary Election. Career politicians with party affiliations know that remaining independent is not a viable long-term path, so they pay no attention to such matters. As for other independents, most run only once or twice out of curiosity, only to become disheartened by financial challenges and unfair competition, eventually abandoning the pursuit or aligning themselves with a political party.

A prime example is M.Narantuya –known as the singer Nara, a current Member of Parliament representing the Civil Will-Green Party. She ran as an independent in the 2016 and 2020 elections, but after failing to secure a seat, she eventually decided to join a party—a decision she has openly discussed. From this, one thing becomes clear: there are no steadfast figures constantly running as independents over multiple elections. In essence, independent candidates have remained fragmented and inconsistent. As a result, in the past eight elections—spanning over 32 years—no one has emerged to fight for equal opportunities or a more favorable legal environment for independent candidates.

However, the 2024 election brought forth an unexpected “daredevil”. Among the 35 independent candidates in this election, one individual stood out: D.Altangerel. Although he submitted the necessary documents to run, the General Election Commission (GEC) disqualified him. In response, he took his case to the Constitutional Court, arguing that Articles 31.3 and 31.4 of the Law on Parliamentary Election violated the Constitution by unfairly treating independent candidates the same as those backed by political parties, thereby infringing on his right to be elected.

Moreover, D.Altangerel contended that GEC’s requirement for independent candidates to collect 801 supporters’ signatures—each accompanied by their national registration number—breached the Law on Personal Data Protection. The national registration number holds sensitive information, including personal property records, making its mandatory collection a violation of privacy.

In a historic move, D.Altangerel not only brought the matter in front of the Constitutional Court but also emerged victorious, setting a precedent for revising the 801-signature requirement. Remarkably, no one had previously filed an official complaint regarding this matter, perhaps because lawmakers, deeply entrenched in party politics, were oblivious to the struggles faced by independent candidates.

D.Altangerel’s case marked a turning point—the first time in nine election cycles that an independent candidate challenged the system and succeeded, paving the way for future reforms and inspiring others to fight for fairer conditions in Mongolia’s political arena.

Precedent set after 30 years

It took over 30 years for someone to file a formal complaint challenging the hurdles faced by independent candidates in Mongolia, prompting the Constitutional Court to review the matter. In its deliberations, the court considered international practices regarding independent candidates in parliamentary elections.

So, what hurdles do independent candidates face in other countries? Let’s take a look at a few examples. In Germany, a country Mongolia often looks to for inspiration, candidates seeking to run independently for the Bundestag (Governmental Body) must gather signatures from only 0.1 percent of voters in their constituency—typically no more than 200 people. The exact number varies depending on population size and electoral district. In the United States, the requirements differ from state to state. For instance, in New York, independent candidates for Congress must collect 3,500 signatures, while in California, the number exceeds 7,000.

Interestingly, some countries place less emphasis on collecting signatures and instead require candidates to pay a deposit. In the United Kingdom, independent candidates need just ten signatures from their constituency, but they must pay a 500 GBP deposit. If they secure more than five percent of the total votes, they get their deposit back. Similarly, in Canada’s federal elections, independent candidates must gather 1,000 signatures and pay a deposit of 1,000 Canadian dollars.

Regardless of the approach, one thing is clear: while other nations have mechanisms that encourage participation, Mongolia’s rules have long overlooked independent candidates, creating unnecessary hurdles. D.Altangerel’s bold move has set a precedent for challenging these barriers.

When the Parliamentary Standing Committee discussed the issue, some members reacted sensitively to the idea of lowering the signature requirement. For example, Member of Parliament E.Bat-Amgalan expressed concern that accepting the Constitutional Court’s conclusion could pave the way for questioning other legal thresholds, saying, “If we accept this ruling, what’s next? Are we going to claim that the age requirement of 25 for parliamentary candidates and 50 for presidential candidates is also unconstitutional?”

However, such comparisons miss the point entirely. The age requirement for candidates is a separate issue. If parliament accepts the Constitutional Court’s ruling, it will need to amend the Election Law, lowering the number of supporters required for independent candidates. More importantly, it’s an opportunity to shift the focus from arbitrary numbers to principles of fairness and equality, correcting long-standing biases in the electoral system.

If parliament rejects the ruling, the Constitutional Court will escalate the matter to a full bench hearing, whose decision is final and binding. Either way, the case of D.Altangerel has forced a long-overdue reckoning with an overlooked injustice, and Mongolia now faces a pivotal moment to reform its electoral laws and level the playing field for independent candidates.